Thursday, November 8, 2012

Free at Last! Free at Last! Thank God Almighty, We're Free at Last!

In President Obama's victory speech last night, he touched on a theme that he has stressed on two previous, conspicuous occasions:
"I am hopeful tonight because I've seen the spirit at work in America. I've seen it in the family business whose owners would rather cut their own pay than lay off their neighbors, and in the workers who would rather cut back their hours than see a friend lose a job."
That "spirit" Obama defined in the preceding paragraph as. "The belief that our destiny is shared; that this country only works when we accept certain obligations to one another and to future generations." Obama made almost exactly the same reference to workers cutting back they hours in his Inaugural Address in 2009:
"For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job, which sees us through our darkest hours."
But that's not all. In his 2008 acceptance speech at the Democratic Convention in Boston, Obama said:
"I've seen it in the workers who would rather cut their hours back a day than see their friends lose their jobs..."
The context of that first utterance is a bit more intriguing than the generic allusions to selflessness, faith and determination and shared destiny. It is a paean to the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.'s "I Have A Dream" speech at at the 1963 March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom. The key passage begins with the declaration that "the change we need doesn't come from Washington. Change comes to Washington" and ends with the words of Rev. King, "'We cannot walk alone,' the preacher cried. 'And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back.'":
You have shown what history teaches us - that at defining moments like this one, the change we need doesn't come from Washington. Change comes to Washington. Change happens because the American people demand it - because they rise up and insist on new ideas and new leadership, a new politics for a new time.

America, this is one of those moments.

I believe that as hard as it will be, the change we need is coming. Because I've seen it. Because I've lived it. I've seen it in Illinois, when we provided health care to more children and moved more families from welfare to work. I've seen it in Washington, when we worked across party lines to open up government and hold lobbyists more accountable, to give better care for our veterans and keep nuclear weapons out of terrorist hands.

And I've seen it in this campaign. In the young people who voted for the first time, and in those who got involved again after a very long time. In the Republicans who never thought they'd pick up a Democratic ballot, but did. I've seen it in the workers who would rather cut their hours back a day than see their friends lose their jobs, in the soldiers who re-enlist after losing a limb, in the good neighbors who take a stranger in when a hurricane strikes and the floodwaters rise.

This country of ours has more wealth than any nation, but that's not what makes us rich. We have the most powerful military on Earth, but that's not what makes us strong. Our universities and our culture are the envy of the world, but that's not what keeps the world coming to our shores.

Instead, it is that American spirit - that American promise - that pushes us forward even when the path is uncertain; that binds us together in spite of our differences; that makes us fix our eye not on what is seen, but what is unseen, that better place around the bend.

That promise is our greatest inheritance. It's a promise I make to my daughters when I tuck them in at night, and a promise that you make to yours - a promise that has led immigrants to cross oceans and pioneers to travel west; a promise that led workers to picket lines, and women to reach for the ballot.

And it is that promise that forty five years ago today, brought Americans from every corner of this land to stand together on a Mall in Washington, before Lincoln's Memorial, and hear a young preacher from Georgia speak of his dream.

The men and women who gathered there could've heard many things. They could've heard words of anger and discord. They could've been told to succumb to the fear and frustration of so many dreams deferred.

But what the people heard instead - people of every creed and color, from every walk of life - is that in America, our destiny is inextricably linked. That together, our dreams can be one.

"We cannot walk alone," the preacher cried. "And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back."
Those words, in Dr. King's speech, were followed by others:
We cannot walk alone, and as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights: "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We can not be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating "For Whites Only." We cannot be satisfied so long as the Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and the Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied and will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like water and righteousness like a mighty stream.*

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.

Go back to Mississippi. Go back to Alabama; go back to South Carolina; go back to Georgia; go back to Louisiana; go back to the slums and ghettoes of our northern cities knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.

I say to you today, my friends, even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this Nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed--"we hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are created equal."

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slaveowners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood. I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a Nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin, but by the conduct of their character.

I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its Governor, having his lips dripping the words of interposition and nullification -- one day right there in Alabama, little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and little white girls as brothers and sisters.

I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted: every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plane, and the crooked places will be made straight and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.

This is our hope. This is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our Nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together; to pray together; to struggle together; to go to jail together; to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning "My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride, from every mountainside let freedom ring." 

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true. So let freedom ring. From the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire, let freedom ring.  From the mighty mountains of New York, let freedom ring, from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania, let freedom ring, from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado. Let freedom ring from the crevatial slopes of California.

But not only that.  Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia. Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee. Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill in Mississippi.  From every mountainside.

Let freedom ring and when this happens...And when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at Last! Free at Last! Thank God Almighty, We're Free at Last!"
Just as Dr. King's "I Have A Dream" speech puts President Obama's remarks about "workers who would rather cut their hours back a day than see their friends lose their jobs" into a much broader context there is also a little-known context for the most famous part of that speech -- the part which gave it the name it now bears -- which is described in the account presented by the "Civil Writes Movement Veterans History and Timeline":
Today, Dr. King's address is famous as the I Have a Dream speech. But the dream section, which is forever repeated in TV sound-bites and classroom recordings, is not part of his original draft. When King nears the end of his seven minutes of prepared text — the metaphor of the bounced check and the echo of Amos that “... we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream” — he senses — as do others on the platform — that something more has to be said. That the march itself requires some summing up, some articulation of the vision that moves the Movement, some expression of the aspirations, pride, determination, and courage of not just these marchers, but the Freedom Movement as a whole.

Sitting behind him, Mahalia Jackson leans forward, “Tell them about the dream, Martin.” She had heard him speak the dream at recent rallies. And with that, he steps over the seven-minute limit and off his prepared text to soar, speaking from the soul of the struggle to the heart of oppressed people everywhere, “Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, ... go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, ... Let us not wallow in the valley of despair ... And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: We hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are created equal ... I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today! ...“ As he rolls on with his majestic cadences towards his ringing conclusion, “Free at last, free at last. Thank God Almighty, free at last,” Mahalia and others on the platform can be heard over the loudspeakers backing him up with the traditional affirmation of the Black church, “My Lord! My Lord!”"
The account of the March on Washington concludes on a sober note:
But while the march does affect Congress in regards to basic civil rights, it has little affect on the economic issues that form a key portion of the 10 demands…. Unemployment remains high — doubly so for non-whites — and the call for dignified jobs at decent wages falls on deaf ears, as do demands to increase the minimum wage to a living wage.

Looking back on the march later, Evelyn Cunningham, New York Editor for the Pittsburgh Courier, recalls:

"I must've cried for an hour and a half at one point during the march. Part of it was sheer happiness, part of it was pride, and part of it was my family. I'm steeped in my respect for my people. After the march, I thought, 'Oh my God, we're almost there' — God, was I wrong."

Friday, November 2, 2012

Commercialization and Rhetorical Polarization


I don’t know if opinion is more polarized in the US than it used to be.  I do feel, however, that the rhetoric has become more polarized.  Let me explain what I mean.

Rhetorical strategies depend on the intended audience.  An effective strategy begins with identifying this audience and divining its initial cognitive and emotional state.  This makes possible an appeal whose style and content are tailored to produce the best possible reception.  There isn’t a single optimal rhetoric because there isn’t a single potential audience.

Broadly, we can distinguish between two types of rhetorical strategies, those that appeal to an audience already disposed to agree and whose purpose is to heighten their sense of identification and disposition to take action, and those that reach out to as yet unpersuaded audiences, where the goal is to bring them closer to accepting your own position.

The impression I get is that we are seeing a lot more of the first set of strategies than the second.  This means more use of emotive adjectives and appeals to shared identity, along with less use of a sympathetic voice to express opposing points of view (to convey a sense of fair-mindedness).  The cumulative effect is a cacophony of parallel echo chambers, lots of hectoring and very little listening.  I don’t mean to imply that this phenomenon is symmetrical across the political/intellectual spectrum, much less that it is universal and represents how every one of us is communicating—just that the balance has shifted overall to rhetorics more suitable for stirring up the believers.

Now for an explanatory hypothesis: perhaps this is due in significant part to the increasing commercialization of political discourse.  More and more political expression is undertaken in a for-profit context, where return is a function of market share.  Talk radio is a pure example: the pay of those in this business depends on audience size.  If an announcer loses his or her ratings mojo, the show is pulled and it’s time to find another line of work.

If so, however, we face the problem that identifying and selling to market segments leads in most cases to the adoption of an intra-tribal stategy, reinforcing what people think they already believe, rather than one of outreach and persuasion of the differently-minded.

Can we test this hypothesis?

And, if we think it’s true, can we rebuild a space for political discourse whose incentives are not tied so closely to audience size and enthusiasm?

Romney’s Take on the Employment Report

Benjy Sarlin listens to Mitt Romney so we don’t have to:
Today’s increase in the unemployment rate is a sad reminder that the economy is at a virtual standstill.
You might be protesting that the Employment Report said employment rate rose by 171 thousand. But remember that’s the Payroll Survey so let’s take a look at the Household Survey to see why the unemployment rate rose from 7.8% to 7.9%. The employment to population ratio actually rose from 58.7% to 58.8%, while the labor force participation rate rose from 63.6% to 63.8%. Either Mr. Romney is incredibly stupid or amazingly dishonest.

Tax Policy: You Can’t Handle the Truth

Sahil Kapur reports on something that does not surprise me on two levels:
The author of a Congressional Research Service study, who found no evidence that tax cuts for high income earners lead to economic growth, is standing by his work, after the legislative branch’s nonpartisan research arm withdrew the report under pressure from Republican leaders. And Democratic principals are demanding to know why CRS caved to GOP pressure. CRS quietly and quickly pulled the six-week old report, despite the wishes of the research arm’s economic team, the New York Times reported Thursday ... The study, which TPM and others reported on at the time, delved into the last 65 years of U.S. tax policy — specifically how marginal rates on high incomes and capital gains taxes impact decision-making. It concluded that reducing effective taxes on the rich does not generate economic growth, but that it does correlate with rising income inequality in the short term. The report’s conclusions aren’t terribly controversial in mainstream economics.
What Thomas Hungerford wrote has indeed been the consensus view among economists who are not prostituting themselves for Mitt Romney. One would think this study would have received more attention but we have seen the Republican Party pushing a certain agenda for over 30 years. We have also seen a lot of incredibly dishonest claims about the wonders of tax cuts for the rich. That the leaders of the Republican Party decided to censor results of a credible analysis to the contrary is also old news. Even though it is old news – it needs to be highlighted over and over. But something tells me that not one word of this will be uttered over at Fox “fair and balanced” News.

Tuesday, October 30, 2012

Does God (or Mother Nature) Favor Obama Over Romney?

Oh, I just cannot resist this, :-).  So the Great October Surprise turns out to be a monster Frankenstorm/Snowicane combining a hurricane with a nor'easter that happened to show the lowest pressure readings at its center ever recorded for a storm north of Cape Hatteras.  Is Sandy a message from God or Mother Nature or Whomever or Whatever about the current presidential election?  While some argue that it may favor Romney, I find almost everything about it likely to tilt the other way in its "recommendation."

1)  Republican Governor Chris Christie of NJ, obviously a leading candidate for the GOP nomination in 2016, has publicly praised both Obama and FEMA in unequivocal and unstinting terms for their handling of the crisis.  This contrasts with the pathetic performance under Bush of FEMA after Katrina (emphasized by Brownie criticizing Obama and FEMA for "moving too fast," hack, cough).

2)  Suddenly there is attention on Romney's statement back in June that he wanted to abolish FEMA, and that funding it is "immoral."  Of course, he has since denied this, but today was refusing to answer reporters' questions about whether he wants to eliminate it or not.

3) There is also attention on the fact that the GOP House, with Paul Ryan among the leaders of this along with Eric Cantor, pushed hard for major cuts in disaster relief aid.  This was a major part of one of the repeated holdups in budget negotiations that have happened.  More embarrassment.

4)  While Romney has called for sending responsibility to state governments, his own record as Governor of Massachusetts is a major embarrassment in this regard.  He provided no aid for flood relief to Peabody and Greenfield in the state when they were flooded.  In the case of Peabody, it was flooded again during his term after he had turned down aid earlier for it after its first major flood.

5)  While Obama is acting as Commander-in-Chief and overseeing well-managed FEMA operations, Romney held a supposed "Red Cross Relief" event in, gasp, Dayton, Ohio, on a day of supposed "no campaigning."  This amounted to asking for people to provide goods to be given to the Red Cross, with Romney being photographed receiving them, with lines of his supporters waiting to give them to him.  The only problem with this is that the Red Cross has publicly stated that they do not want goods, but money instead.  However, people giving money does not provide a photo op.

6)  While neither candidate has mentioned "climate change" during this campaign, it is well known that Romney has publicly agreed with climate skeptics during the primary campaign and has opposed any new climate-related legislation, even though as Governor of Massachusetts he had a more reasonable view (more flip flopping).  OTOH, in his first two years when the Dems controlled the House, Obama did propose a climate bill that got through the House, whatever one may think of it (and it was pretty flawed), only to have it filibustered to death by the Republicans in the Senate.  Once the House went GOP, with Tea Party ravers denouncing climate science as a "hoax," it was clear that there was no point in trying further on that route, and any mention by him of climate change in the campaign would have brought a frenzy of ads in Ohio charging Obama with threatening autoworker jobs, with white male workers in auto-related industries in that state probably providing the ultimate pillar for his reelection.

So, I am not going to make any statement about the existence or nonexistence of deities or grand natural forces with intent, and I am also not going to predict how ultimately voters will swing or respond to anything in particular here.  But I will be very surprised if after this we see any more serious claims in the media about "Romnentum," or whatever. There really is nothing in this for Romney other than goofy whining about Obama spending a lot of money to deliver some pizza to campaign workers in Orlando, Florida this past Sunday.  Poor guy; I almost feel his pain... :-).

Sunday, October 28, 2012

Hans Werner Henze


The German composer died the other day at the age of 86, productive until near the end.  Listen again to Das Floß der Medusa (The Raft of the Medusa), that tells the story behind the painting by Géricault.  Forget about the inflamed politics of its first performances in the ‘60s, just listen to the music and follow the haunting text, with its quotations from Dante.  Imagine the singers drifting across the stage, from the world of the living to the world of the dead.  Let this artist hand off his dream to you.

A Separation


I just got around to seeing this wonderful Iranian film (in video).  This comment will be semi-spoiler, so read at your own risk.

It is fundamentally a work of social criticism, in the realist tradition of European class and American racial dramas.  Its target is the criminal justice system of Iran, in particular two elements.  First, the law recognizes the personhood of a fetus, so that every miscarriage is a potential act of murder.  Second, criminal cases are regarded as conflicts between plaintiffs and defendants in the same way as civil cases; it is not “the state versus me” but “you versus me”, and I can get you to drop charges by bribing you.  Put these two together and you get the possibility of legalized extortion, as portrayed in the film.

You could make a dull, didactic movie that made this argument, but if you had the talent you could make something as wonderful as “A Separation”.  Its virtues are the virtues of the best realism in general.  It doesn't preach but shows.  The truth is read on the faces of its characters, not proclaimed in speeches.  The characters are symbolic (avoidance versus stubborn resistance), but they are complex, and the line between what is admirable and regrettable is ambiguous.  Above all, the film is rich with the particularity of realism: the physical details of a hearing room, the sounds of groups of people milling in a waiting area, the long moments of waiting that occur even in the midst of life-changing events.

The central point of view largely belongs to the eleven year-old daughter of the separating couple.  It is through her eyes (literally) that you see the truth that it is the measure of an unjust system that it compels you to act dishonestly.  The film ends with a question posed to the viewer, whether to fight or flee, but in the form of the daughter’s choice of custody, and you feel, as she does, that the choice itself is unfair.

In case it isn’t already clear, the film is technically and stylistically near-perfect.  The camera angles are just the right mixture of naturalistic and disorienting, the pacing is taut but never rushed, and the acting is thoroughly convincing.  It is gripping to watch, a film you would find fascinating even if it had no point to make.  I wish, at this time of enormous economic injustice, we could have a film that treats class in America with the same clarity, drama and artistic integrity.

Saturday, October 27, 2012

Romney’s Lemon Socialism for Detroit

Mitt Romney is debating Larry Summers whether his managed bankruptcy proposal would have saved Detroit?
Romney has said he would have saved money by relying on private finance to move the big three car companies through bankruptcy, although he’s been extremely vague as to how he would have reached that outcome without committing the vast federal resources that the Bush and Obama administrations did to achieve it. Romney claims that the two presidents overspent by billions of dollars by doling out federal loans when mere guarantees of some sort paired with an earlier bankruptcy might have gotten the job done for cheaper. But Summers, echoing the opinion of industry experts, CEOs, and Republican politicians in Michigan who supported the bailout, said the kind of resources necessary were impossible to find in the private sector under any circumstances. The Detroit News editorial board made the same case this week even as it endorsed Romney. “There was not private money available,” Summers told TPM on a conference call with reporters Friday. “And there wasn’t Congressional authority for the federal government to start guaranteeing loans ot the automobile companies.” At the time, the top financial firms around the world were facing their own existential crisis, having just received hundreds of billions of dollars in government aid during the economic crash. The auto rescue ended up requiring about $80 billion in aid from across the Bush and Obama administrations. That would have been by far the biggest debtor-in-possession bankruptcy loan in history had the private sector stepped in per Romney’s plan. The previous record? $8 billion to Lyondell Chemical in early 2009 — and it came with huge interest rates and fees. Summers argued that the level of debt at the car companies’ required whoever financed them to take a large equity stake. And if the federal government didn’t take that equity, taxpayers wouldn’t benefit when the companies turned around. “Guaranteeing loans to the automobile companies in the necessary quantity without getting an equity stake so that when the company succeeded you profited from the upside would have been far more costly to the federal government,” he said.
Larry is relating what a lot of us have already noted but I guess Mitt Romney is still too ideologically driven to understand the basic point. TPM reader made an excellent point:
Its actually slightly worse than you say. Towards the end of the op-ed, Governor Romney almost in passing proposes government loan guarantees. That is, it would have been a pure privatized- gain, socialized-loss transaction. A Bain type entity would have bought the company with very little equity. A huge new government guaranteed debt would have been undertaken for the company. The old debt would be subordinated to the new debt through the bankruptcy process. The new debt would be very low interest rate, since it would be backed by the full faith and credit of the United States. So, to this extent, the idea that no funding would have been available for the company is, strictly speaking, false. The Bain type entity would have set about repudiating pension obligations and otherwise cutting costs. If it works, the new owners who bought the company with very little of their own money at risk get very rich. If it fails, well, hey, there are the government loan guarantees. Note that there is absolutely no upside for the taxpayer guaranteeing the new debt. The gains are strictly for the job-creating superhero private equity guys.
Well said!

Friday, October 26, 2012

German Hypocrisy on “Strengthening Europe”


Thanks to John Weeks, I see this quote from Merkel speaking before the Bundestag last week:
We have made good progress on strengthening fiscal discipline with the fiscal pact but we are of the opinion, and I speak for the whole German government on this, that we could go a step further by giving Europe “real rights of intervention in national budgets”.
The idea is that fiscal orthodoxy is soooo important, and individual countries shouldn’t be allowed to tinker with it.  If they try to run deficits outside the (narrow) boundaries of the Fiscal Pact, officials from Brussels should step in and overrule them.

Germany, as is well known, is (or tries to be) a paragon of orthodoxy in macroeconomic affairs.  Of course, Germany also has a social market economy which violates almost every principle of orthodox microeconomics.  And what happens when proposals are put forward to regulate any of that stuff from Brussels?

You can see the answer in the stalemate over banking regulation.  As part of a quid pro quo for centralizing the lender of last resort function at the European level, an attempt is being made to assert European control over the oversight of financial institutions—and Germany is fighting it tooth and nail.

Germany, you see, has about half of its financial sector assets in public banks.  These are run by state officials whose job is to promote local economic development.  They are given large implicit subsidies and permission to calculate their equity cushion in ways that private banks aren’t.  (Implicit state support is seen as equity.)  Meanwhile, Brussels is dominated by the orthodox view that all public subsidies and political influence should be removed from the financial sector, so that money can flow freely to wherever it can earn the highest rate of return.  Equity should mean share ownership, and shares should be freely traded throughout the EU.

On this issue I side with Germany: public banking, for all its faults, plays a crucial role in their economic model and has contributed enormously to its productivity and export success.  (This is true, above all, for the Mittelstand sector of small and medium enterprises.)  Giving in to the rigid liberalism of Brussels would be a mistake.

Our orthodoxy for you?  Of course.  Yours for us?  Never.  It is interesting that there seems to be near-zero awareness of this contradiction within Germany, although it is screamingly obvious to an outsider.  As Levi Strauss said, culture is unconscious, and this is true for political culture too.

Thursday, October 25, 2012

Social Security: Romney Rehashes Robert Bennett’s Regressive Plan

Deborah Solomon provides some important political news as well as a bit of good policy analysis. Mitt Romney has told us we need to somehow fix the alleged long-run solvency problem for Social Security. Let’s assume for the sake of argument that either future taxes must be raised (something a few progressives advocate) or future benefits must be trimmed (guess which one the Republican nominee is advocating). Here’s where I think the analysis should begin:
As Jed Graham noted in his 2010 book "A Well-Tailored Safety Net," Social Security actuaries have previously indicated just how much workers at various income levels would have to save as a percentage of their incomes over the course of a career to offset benefit cuts.
Deborah tells us that Jed is her husband but he does have a good framework here. Whether my taxes will go up in the future or my benefits will go done, I’d like to know how much I’d have to decrease my lifetime consumption as a result and still end up with the same retirement portfolio. With this in mind, let’s read what Romney is proposing:
A close look reveals just how difficult it will be to close Social Security’s ballooning trust fund shortfall without new taxes, which he promises to avoid. It also shows that Romney’s approach will hit middle-income workers harder than the wealthiest, which may come as a surprise given his oft-repeated comment that he'll slow the growth rate of Social Security benefits for those with "higher incomes." As outlined, Romney’s plan closely resembles one proposed in 2006 by another Republican, former Utah Senator Robert Bennett. Both exempt people 55 and up, raise the retirement age to keep up with longevity gains (about one month every two years) and adopt some form of progressive price indexing that has benefits for the top grow only with inflation, while benefits for the lowest earners continue to reflect real wage gains. While Romney’s campaign hasn’t specified details when it comes to progressive price indexing, there isn’t much room for flexibility. Social Security Administration actuaries found that Bennett’s plan would cut promised benefits for a 22-year-old average earner -- someone making about $45,000 per year today -- by about 24 percent and a maximum-earner (making $110,000 and above) by about 35 percent. That seems progressive. But looks can be deceiving ... For an average earner, saving 1 percent of wages a year, investing it in Treasuries and cashing it in for an annuity would offset a 10.3 percent benefit cut. That means a $45,000 earner would have to save 2.3 percent of income, or $1,000 a year, to offset the 24 percent cut under the Bennett plan. Meanwhile, someone earning $110,000 would have to save 2.1 percent of pay to offset a 35 percent benefit cut (each 1 percent of pay saved can replace 16.8 percent of benefits for top earners). That means a $1 million earner, who pays Social Security taxes on only $1 of every $9 earned, would have to save just 0.23 percent of income to offset benefit cuts.
That sounds like a regressive proposal to me. Now I’m sure Team Romney will try to deny all of this but Ms. Solomon should be congratulated on some excellent reporting.

Wednesday, October 24, 2012

Shapley Nobel Resurrects Von Neumann Versus Nash Debate

David Warsh at economic principals, http://www.economicprincipals.com/issues/2012.10.21/1429.html has provided useful information about Lloyd Shapley from the book by Sylvia Nasar on Nash (A Beautiful Mind) and the book on the origins of game theory by Robert Leonard (Von Neumann, Morgenstern, and the Origins of Game Theory).  Nasar emphasized the personal rivalry of Nash and Shapley, who both started in grad school in math at Princeton at the same time, and who also shared the same major professor, the late Albert W. Tucker, who coined the term "prisoner's dilemma" and was also co-developer of the Kuhn-Tucker theorem (not all of this is in either book or Warsh's post).  Nasar emphasized this rivalry more from its egotistical aspects, who was smarter than whom, rather than its intellectual aspects, although Dave does refer to those.

These become clearer in the discussion from Leonard who recounts how Shapley was working at RAND in 1948 and successfully challenged von Neumann on a mathematical point.  As a result, von Neumann reportedly offered Shapley a stipend to attend Princeton, which got him there to contest with Nash intellectually and personally.  However, while Tucker was Shapley's major prof, his real mentor, von Neumann, was not formally a member of the math dept., but rather of the Institute for Advanced Studies nearby.  In particular, he followed von Neumann in becoming a deep student and advocate of the use of cooperative game theory, which usually ends up being the study of coalition formation and interaction.  This would lead him to develop the idea of the core in economic theory, as well as some of his other major ideas, including the Shapley value from his thesis, and his analysis with Shubik of power relations in groups.  He would later coauthor a book with Robert Aumann on these matters in 1974, with Aumann publicly proclaiming him "the greatest game theorist of all time."

Now Nasar also reported on the rivalry of Nash with von Neumann himself.  As with Shapley, much of this was personal and egotistical, who was the better mathematician than whom.  They met once, and there are sharply conflicting reports about what transpired, although all agree that it was not a particularly friendly encounter.  A strongly pro-Nash account appears in Nasar's book, while a strongly pro-von Neumann account appears in Machine Dreams by Phil Mirowski, who is a great fan of von Neumann's work (if not his person).  While I was editor of JEBO, an author submitted a paper that claimed to determine which account was more accurate, but I demanded that this be removed from the paper, noting that the only primary sources for what happened were either dead or insane.

As it is, however, there was real intellectual substance to the debate as well, namely the rivalry between the cooperative and the non-cooperative approaches to game theory.  Of course, the latter was advocated by Nash and formalized in his famous equilibrium that was the basis of his thesis.  In the 1970s this would be the foundation for a major revival of game theory, with the Harsanyi and Selten extensions of it forming the basis of their co-receiving the Nobel with Nash in 1994, the first given for game theory.  By and large, Nash's solution became far more cited than the earlier work of von Neumann or the later work of Shapley, and most would say that Nash "won," with the '94 prize, the book by Nasar, and the subsequent Oscar-winning movie starring Russell Crowe, simply reinforcing this victory.

However, along comes this prize for Shapley, and people like Warsh suddenly noticing that there have been no books on Shapley equivalent to that on Nash (who has been a more dramatic figure personally, although Shapley is plenty eccentric).  There is more here than just people siding with Mirowski or the people (Harold Kuhn in particular) who were feeding Nasar with her information over von Neumann versus Nash, with so much emphasis on personalities.  Without doubt non-cooperative game theory has been immensely important and useful.  But it is probably now time for people to take more seriously its long discounted rival, cooperative game theory, once again.

Saturday, October 20, 2012

Oil And Defense Spending

Last spring I was interviewed on our local NPR outlet about energy economics.  Among other things I pointed out the well-established costs of pollution from fossil fuels relating to global warming and health issues from SOX and NOX.  I urged the standard well-known green technologies along with thorium nuclear reactors, noting the irony that the US did not pursue this technology after carrying out the first thorium fission experiments in the 1950s because this could not be used to make nuclear weapons, along with other now desirable features (safer, more thorium around than uranium, etc.).  The show was rebroadcast recently without anybody telling me, and many more apparently heard it and I was bombarded by various comments and inquiries.  One friend asked why I did not note the defense spending costs associated with oil as part of the issue.  Given that my friend George McGovern now lies in a hospice at age 90 no longer responding to the communications from his family, perhaps this is an appropriate time to address this more closely.

I responded to my friend's inquiry (which came through facebook) by noting that in contrast to global warming or health costs of SOX and NOX, it is much harder to determine how much of defense spending is for "protecting our sources of oil."  Indeed, this is a very difficult matter, although thinking about carefully suggests to me that not much really is, which also suggests to me that the position I agreed with and helped support of McGovern's that we did not need nearly as large of a DOD establishment as we had and have remains correct.  Its budget is often justified to the public on precisely these grounds, but the reality is quite another story.

So, let us simply focus on the Gulf wars as an example, and, to sort of simplify things let us focus on the second of these, our recently concluded war in Iraq (although we continue to spend DOD money there with some residual troops, etc.).  For starters there is disagreement on how much it cost.  At the upper end are estimates by Stiglitz and coauthors of as high possibly over the long run as $3 trillion.  This includes all the medical costs of everybody wounded and much else.  The direct military costs appear to be just a bit under $1 trillion, which gives us a reasonable range.  But how much of this was really about "protecting our sources of oil"?

Indeed, my response to my inquirer was that this is a matter of great uncertainty, and the more I think about it, the less I think that it had anything to do with it, even when those running policy thought that it did.  Now indeed it is not a new position of mine that the Iraq war was not "really" about oil, although many people whom I respect think quite the contrary, that it was all about that and nothing else.  Well, I will grant that the real motivation of the first Gulf war under Bush, Sr. was about oil.  When Indonesia invaded and annexed East Timor, nobody did squat, and likewise when India did the same in Sikkim (although there was more noise about that one, given the glamor connections of some of the wives of the Sikkimese royal family).  But Bush Sr. arranged a global alliance to push Saddam Hussein back out of Kuwait, even though it appears that his goals were fairly modest, to grab a small slice of Kuwait, based on old border disputes from the setting of those borders by the British after WW I.  The Saudis and Bush feared Saddam really wanted to run all the way down the Gulf to grab the big prize of al Ghawar in Saudi Arabia out of which nearly 5% of the world's oil supply flows.  And maybe that was his goal, along with conquering Mecca and declaring a new Caliphate as some have argued.  In any case, Bush Sr. succeeded in pushing him back out of Kuwait and wisely listened to the Saudis who said, "Do not go to Baghdad," much to the annoyance of some of his underlings, most significantly, Dick Cheney.

So, when Bush Jr. came in, his VP Cheney played a nasty game with him, playing to his masculine insecurities vis a vis his dad, urging him to be like Reagan and "finish the business and take out Saddam," although Reagan pulled out of Lebanon the minute terrorists attacked our embassy in Beirut and killed a bunch of Marines.  For Bush Jr., this was what the war in Iraq was about, not oil. And for a bunch of his other advisers who pushed the war it was also not about oil, but about Israel, the neocons such as Wolfowitz, given Saddam's ridiculous habit of paying the families of Palestinian suicide bombers $25,000 when they died.  Oil had zip to do with this, indeed, the matter of Israel has always been a contradiction in the story of US Mideast foreign policy, with the US oil companies viewing US support of Israel as an annoying distraction from their love fest with the Saudis and other Arab and Muslim (Iran once upon a time) oil producers.

Of course, Cheney was a different story.  He had personal interests, notably the company that he formerly ran, Halliburton, and it remains a scandal that Halliburton made so much money out of the war in Iraq, whatever Cheney's personal take from that was, although in the end the major portion of this had to do with supplying the US military with all sorts of goodies rather than actually making money out of engaging in oil business in Iraq or elsewhere in the Gulf.  Now, Cheney does appear to have been plotting more generally to be a pinup boy for an old imperialist vision: bring back the major US oil companies in a serious way into the Gulf oil business, or at least at a minimum, into the Iraqi oil business.  And some of the neocons also were under the delusion that the Iraqis would be so grateful to us that they would pay for our invasion of their country from their oil revenues, like the Kuwaitis did for Bush Sr., the main reason the first place to be taken in Baghdad was their Oil Ministry building.

But in the end, this was all for nought, a pathetic farce and delusion. The war is over, and not only have the Iraqis not paid us a penny for our efforts, the US oil companies have been cut out of the action almost entirely in Iraq, where indeed oil production is reviving gradually after the collapse that occurred as a result of our invasion.  Of course, oil production in Iraq is now controlled by two distinct political entities, Iraq and Iraqi Kurdistan, where rising oil production involves a variety of foreign oil companies, although not universally legally recognized.   Most of the companies in Kurdistan are small independents out of Norway and Canada and other such places, with the only US companies involved there being some owned by the Hunt brothers, one of whom sat on Bush Jr.'s Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board.  This created a minor scandal at the time, that he was profiting from inside intel info, but that faded away, leaving them the only US oil companies making money out of the definite gains for the Kurds from our invasion of Iraq.  As for the main oil fields in the rest of Iraq, US companies viewed them as too risky due to ongoing military conflicts to seriously bid, and as a result, the old operators in Iraq got most of the deals, namely the Russians and the French companies, along with the new big player, the Chinese.  To the best of my knowledge, no major US oil company is making any serious money out of Iraq, although I think there a few minor deals going on.

Of course,  there is more controversial issue here. What really is the "US national interest" here?  Most think that it is a matter of keeping the oil flowing so that price of oil in the US for our consumers does not get too high.  Even now, the threat of Iran blocking the Strait of Hormuz, given our nuclear conflict with them, remains an apparent justification in the eyes of many Americans for our humongous defense spending, or at least some of it.  But in terms of Iraq, the main result of our invasion was to cause a decline in oil production in Iraq, something warned of by the major US oil companies in fact, who perhaps wisely foresaw that our intervention there was not going to make them any serious long run profits.  But this decline in oil production did help US companies, their one compensation, in that it led to a rising price of oil, which helped their profits in the short run, even as it sucked money out of the pockets of US consumers.  In terms of the official public traditional view of "protecting our oil sources," if this meant for US consumers enjoying lower prices it was a total flop, although it did lead to gains for Cheney's pals in the oil industry from the higher prices for awhile.

So, the bottom line here is that in fact nearly zero of the spending for the war in Iraq actually "protected our sources of oil," certainly not for consumers, and not even in the longer run for US oil companies.  Anybody trying to defend the scale of US defense spending on the grounds of "protecting our sources of oil" should be run out of town on a rail after being tarred and feathered.

Friday, October 19, 2012

A Simple Example of How Adverse Selection can Lead to Multiple Equilibria

This came up when I was writing homework problems on adverse selection for a money and banking class and without intending to, wrote one that had 2 equilibria.

Take the market for used cars  a la Akerlof. There are 10 potential buyers and 12 potential sellers, 4 each  with cars of Low, Medium and High quality. Buyers reservation prices  are 15, 10 and 5 thousand dollars for High, Medium and Low quality, respectively.  Low Quality sellers need at least 3,  Medium sellers 7, and High sellers 11 thousand dollars. Quality is known to sellers but not to buyers, who know only the distribution.

There is an equilibrium at a price of $7500, in which Medium and Low quality cars sell,  but no High quality. The expected value of  a  car for buyers is is $7500. Excess demand is 2, but at a price above 7500, there is excess supply as no buyers are interested, since it will be above the expected value of $7500. At prices above 11, the expected value of a car will be  $10,000, so no deals will be made at such prices either.

Think about what happens as we drop the price below 7500. 10 buyers are interested and 8 sellers until we hit 7000. At that point , only low quality sellers will be selling, so the buyer reservation price drops to 5000, and we have no buyers therefore until we hit 5000. This is the second equilibrium: there is excess demand of 6 below and at this price, but excess supply of 4 just above it. Only low quality cars are for sale. This second equilibrium is Pareto-dominated by the higher-price equilibrium.

Now imagine that the sellers are workers, with reservation prices representing opportunity costs, and buyers are employers whose reservation prices represent productivity.  And that productivity is private information for the workers. Then we can get an interesting rationalization for a Card-Krueger positive relationship between employment and the minimum wage. The market suppose is in the $5000 wage equilibrium:  imposing  a $7500 minimum wage would put the market in the better equilibrium with higher employment.

With a little hand-waving and mutatis mutandis, it seems one could get a rationalization of anti-usury laws. Here the bad equilibrium would be the high interest rate equilibrium, with only the lowest quality borrowers wanting loans. Then an anti-usury law can produce the low interest rate equilibrium, where the average quality of borrowers is higher.

This is probably old hat to most, and to the extent that I haven't made glaring mistakes, the idea has I'.m sure been developed  with orders of magnitude more sophistication by others. When I google scholared "adverse selection and multiple equilibria" I get lots of hits, including what looks like a seminal paper by Charles Wilson which I printed out and plan to read right now.  But  sometimes simple examples can be helpful at isolating the way a mechanism works, so I thought I would pass this one along.


John Taylor: I’m Right Regardless of What Anyone Else Says

Noah Smith has an excellent discussion of what he calls “Reinhart-Rogoff vs. Bordo-Haubrich (with grandstanding by John Taylor)”. Please read it as it has become part of the Presidential debate about whether we should condemn the Obama Administration for the slowness of this recovery or we should understand that recoveries from financial crisis are often slow unless our politicians have the wisdom to use massive fiscal stimulus (which Obama originally wanted but the Republicans said no). Noah at one point fired off this shot:
First of all, do not listen to John Taylor. He is not being a scientist right now, he is being a politician ... And I think no one should take John Taylor's promotion of B&H's results seriously, since he is part of Team Romney.
Via Greg Mankiw comes another post from John Taylor who is still promoting B&H:
In sum, the weak recovery deniers have not made their case.
While Taylor does link to Paul Krugman, both he and Mankiw ignore Noah’s post. I guess we could point this out in the comment section of their blogs but guess what – they do not allow comments. Hey – that is their right but would it be too much to ask for them to cite the well written posts on this topic from other economist bloggers such as Noah? Oh wait – as members of Team Romney I guess it would be too much to expect them to engage in an honest debate? Never mind! Update: Noah correctly notes that John Taylor's latest was posted before his excellent post. Note, however, Greg Mankiw's list was posted just today and Greg failed to include Noah's post. So Noah is being very kind and fair to John. We shall see if John follows up and includes Noah's discussion on his blog.

Thursday, October 18, 2012

One More Rumination on the Burden of Fiscal Deficits


You would think that everything that needs to be said about this topic has been put on the table in the past few weeks.  (I will skip the links; these posts have already been linked to death.)  And you might be right, but I’ll offer a different take anyway.

The debate has been cast in an aggregative framework in which the set of welfare-relevant individuals includes both those who pay taxes tomorrow to repay today’s deficits and those who hold the bonds and receive payments.  Fine, but let’s consider a narrower question, one that most economists apparently think is beneath discussion: what it is the purely fiscal burden of public debt?

Well it’s obvious, isn’t it?  Either you pay off the debt in the future or you roll it over and pay more interest.  Either way you bear a fiscal burden, and they are the same in present value terms.

Well, try this.  In thinking about the fiscal burden, it may help to imagine a country with two types of citizens.  One type pays taxes but owns no financial assets; the other owns financial assets but pays no taxes.  (We’re getting there....)  The government runs a fiscal deficit in period 1.  In subsequent periods will there have to be offsetting transfers from the taxpayers to the bondholders?

First step: I rule out the scenario in which any significant portion of the debt is paid down.  This is not a deduction from theory, just an empirical observation.  Fiscal surpluses are few and far between.  Tomorrow’s taxpayers will no more be paying off the public debt incurred by the current generation than today’s taxpayers are paying off the debt bequeathed to us by our parents and grandparents.

So let’s get to step 2 and consider interest payments on the debt.  Here the critical move is to regard the burden not as a sum of money but a fraction of income, the debt service to GDP ratio.  This goes up if and only if the percentage increase in debt exceeds the corresponding percentage increase in income, given a constant interest rate.  (I abstract from the issue of real versus nominal incomes and interest rates.)

Now, why would anyone think that the incremental effect of a fiscal deficit on future income growth would be positive?  Two reasons.  First, if the deficit finances public investment, and if this investment is more productive than the use to which the money would have otherwise been put, income will grow commensurately.  Second, if the deficit reduces an otherwise stubborn income gap, hysteresis effects are likely to boost potential income in future periods.  The extent to which income growth attributable to deficits offsets debt service obligations and therefore raises or lowers the future fiscal burden is uncertain.

But that’s the point.  I would say it is an open question whether any particular deficit will be burdensome in the most restricted meaning of that term.  The answer is likely to vary from one macroeconomic context to another, from one program of public spending to another, according to the extent of the deficit, and so on.  The bottom line, however, is that, even if all the government bonds are owned by Martians so that taxpayers and bondholders are completely different species and transfers from the first to the second constitute a pure welfare loss, there is still no determinate relationship between more deficits today and more burden tomorrow.