My idea of freedom

Here is my contribution for the panel on freedom, which got hammered out today after I cleared my head with an hour and a half of basketball, mostly unsuccessfully trying to keep up with a 20-year-old Vietnamese kid. My goal here was to speak against the idea of individual responsibility.

Mark Skousen, the organizer, told me he thought the panel might be on C-SPAN, but he told me that about the medical panel earlier. In any case, I was overwhelmed by the valuable suggestions that people offered for the health care session.

Here is the link:

http://michaelperelman.wordpress.com/2008/07/07/my-idea-of-freedom/

Healthcare follies

I am getting ready to leave for my final summer trip to Las Vegas, where it will be appearing with a host of conservative luminaries, such as Ron Paul, Bob Barr, Steve Forbes, Christopher Hitchens, and Dinesh D'Souza. I will be in two debates beginning next Thursday. David Himmelstein and I will be debating single-payer with John Mackey, the head of Whole Foods and John Goodman, the man who invented health savings accounts. Here is what I whipped up today. I would very much appreciate any comments.

The second debate will concern the nature of freedom. There, I will be debating John Mackey again and two others whom I do not know. I will call for help again on that one is in his I get something prepared. Here is my paper.

http://michaelperelman.files.wordpress.com/2008/07/health.doc

Here is the website for the conference.

http://freedomfest.com/

A Coup in Australia and the CIA

Many Australians, predominantly of the baby boomer generation, believe that a US-backed coup occurred in Australia on the 11th of November 1975. Thirty years after the downfall of the Whitlam Government, archival work established "the ready complicity of the Australian press and a role for the US National Security Council in Whitlam's demise" according to Associate Professor Stephen Stockwell from Griffith University in Queensland.
Link
The Whitlam Government was the first Labor (and Social Democratic) government to be in power in Australia for 23 long years. There has not been a Social Democratic government here since. It was elected by the Australian people on 2nd December 1972 and again on 18th May 1974. But it was dismissed by the Governor General, Sir John Kerr, on 11th November 1975; one day after ASIO (Australian Security and Intelligence Organisation) received a a cable from the CIA's Theodore Shackley "which was a virtual ultimatum to the head of ASIO to do something about the Whitlam Government."
Link
This document reached its target a month or so after George Bush Senior became Director of the CIA.

Kurds and Central Government Sign Secret Deal on Oil

Azzam in English reports that Jaber Khaleefa of the Iraqi parliament's Oil and Gas Committee has said that a secret deal has been signed between the Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) and the Iraqi central government, presumably the Oil Ministry, on oil deals. This deal allows the Kurds "to extend their political autonomy over their oil riches." This deal reflects on the one side an inability to get an oil bill passed in the central parliament, while on the other hand there is not enough support in the parliament to block any deals being signed by the executive authorities of either government. So far the KRG has 17 such deals and the central government now has 35. Generally, the central government tends to sign with big major firms like Exxon Mobil, while the Kurds tend to sign with smaller minors, with the biggest fuss having been about their deal last year with Hunt Oil, owned by strong Bush backer, Ray Hunt, also a member of his Foreign Intelligence Oversight Board.

Regarding the central government deals, much of the focus in recent days has been on no-bid short term contracts that have been signed with five big majors, including Total of France, as well as such old Seven Sisters as Royal Dutch Shell and BP, in addition to Exxon Mobil and Chevron (the latter having swallowed up the other two, Gulf and Texaco). However, officially rules for longer term contracts are supposed to be set by an official law, but none has been passed, and for now it looks like none will be passed. What seems to be operative is this secret deal.

Miscellaneous

I had the pleasure of meeting fellow blogger Michael Perelman at the History of Economics Society meeting in Toronto this past week-end. Michael gave a fascinating paper, "The Economics of Guano," which made the case for a 19th Century proto-environmentalism in the work of the American economist Matthew Carey. Marx made an appearance (in the paper, not at the conference). At one point, Michael suggested that economists, having spent so much time on the analysis of marginal increments, may want to focus for a change on marginal excrement. I guess you had to be there.

Meanwhile: Breakfast in Wimbledon this Saturday with Venus and Serena in the Women's Finals! I'm there.

Observations on the 15th World Congress of the IEA

The International Economic Association was formed in 1956 from a UNESCO mandate, with an initial idea being to increase East-West communication, and with a key person pushing its establishment being the late Austen E.G. Robinson of Cambridge University, the husband of Joan Robinson. Every several years the IEA has a world congress, and the 15th was held this past week in Istanbul, Turkey. About 1,000 participants attended representing 53 countries, with the president of Turkey speaking in the opening session. This is the fifth of these I have attended and make some observations here.

1) About half the participants were from the host country, a good deal higher than I have seen in the past. Also, quite a few people I have always seen at these things were not there.

2) Many sessions were on international debt crises and balance of payments issues, with the current president, Guillermo Calvo, giving an address on recent crises. He mostly focused on Mexico, Russia, Argentina, and Turkey, arguing that all these countries bounced back well after their crises and massive devaluations, although he said that we do not really understand why as many things that should have been happening to bring this about did not happen. He seemed not very able to link all this to the current crises.

3) Chinese attendance was low. Some speculated that this was due to Calvo having apparently criticized them for not revaluing their currency more. As in the past there was substantial Russian participation, with several of their top people there, such as Victor Polterovich.

4) There were several major sessions and addresses on India.

5) Joseph Stiglitz spoke twice, once in an invited session on international financial crises and in the final plenary on global warming and social justice. In the former he went further than Calvo and called for a clear lender of last resort at the global level and the establishment of a new global currency along the lines of the "bancor" proposed by Keynes at Bretton Woods. He said the dollar is doomed, but the euro is not up to the task, and a combo of the two would be an unstable disaster.

Regarding global warming he advocates an important push on deforestation, which I support. He also is hot for a "carbon added tax" and strongly criticizes cap and trade solutions. I find him analyzing a CAT based on its theoretical virtues while ignoring its practical problems while doing just the opposite with cap and trade. Given that at Kyoto the US shoved cap and trade down the rest of the world's throat, there is no way the rest of the world is now going to follow the US to get rid of cap and trade in favor of a carbon tax (which would have serious problems passing the US Congress anyway).

7) Dani Rodrik of Harvard, but of Turkish origin, gave a plenary on his "One Economics, Many Recipes" paper. For those who have not seen it, he defends orthodoxy in economic theory, but says that a single approach to theory is compatible with a variety of policy approaches, including very unorthodox ones. I have sympathy with him, but think he overdoes his defense of standard economic theory.

The US Supreme Court and Suicides in Washington

In light of the recent ruling by the US Supreme Court overturning Washington, D.C.'s law against handguns, I wish to remind people of an earlier post of mine here. The gist is that while the evidence on violence and gun control is murky (the Supreme Court cited certain studies that claim that greater gun availability may be correlated with lower violent crime, at most a weak relationship), they did not note nor mention the very strong relationship that appears to hold in the US data for suicides and gun availability. In particular, Washington D.C. has both the lowest rate of gun ownership and the lowest suicide rate of any "state," with most of the other states at the bottom of the suicide rate list also being at the bottom of the gun ownership rate list.

So, correlation may not prove causation, but I predict an increase in the suicide rate in Washington, D.C. as a result of this ruling. Let the blood of the coming dead rest on the consciences of Justices Scalia, Roberts, Alito, Thomas, and swing voter Kennedy, although somehow I doubt they will have very many people telling them about this.

The EU's Catch-22 for Turkey

Have just spent most of this past week in Istanbul, Turkey where I picked up on various socio-political-economic currents from reading local papers (in English only, the Turkish Daily Press), and just observing the street scenes. I am struck by the sharpness of the divide between the established secular system and the rising Islamist movement. This has most recently come to a head in the move by the secularist ("Kemalist") Supreme Court to consider a case to close down the current ruling AKP party, which is viewed as "moderately Islamist" and was democratically elected, along with the president, Abdullah Gul (who spoke to the opening session of the 15th World Congress of the International Economic Association [IEA], which conference I was attending in Istanbul). This is analyzed well in an invited essay by Andrew Arato on June 30 on Juan Cole's site at http://www.juancole.com, entitled, "The Turkish Constitutional Crisis and Board Beyond." I note that this case poses a Catch-22 for Turkey in its generally internally popular efforts to join the European Union, which keep getting pushed back by various European countries, with the latest setback a new move to put Ukraine ahead of it on the list. The Catch-22 is that many in Europe do not want Turkey in the EU because it is "too Islamic," but the opponents to the Islamic movement are "undemocratic," (the military and the Supreme Court). Thus, either way, the opponents of Turkish entry into the EU get their way: no entry because either too Islamic or too undemocratic.

Unsurprisingly another issue that is inolved in this is clothing, in particular, headscarves for women. The parliament voted to allow women to wear headscarves to universities, but the Supreme Court also just overturned that as against the constitutionally mandated "secular" nature of Turkey. This secular nature was imposed in the mid-1920s by Mustafa Kemal "Ataturk," a title meaning "Father of the Turks," who ended the Ottoman sultanate, empire, and caliphate, changed the calendar and Latinized the alphabet, along with banning anything but western clothing in public places (men are not allowed to wear beards to work, although mustaches are OK). I heard him praised as a "revolutionary" more than once while there, with the model being Napoleon Bonaparte, I believe, who also did such things. The feudal titles of the Ottomans were also abolished by him to form "The Republic of Turkey." An irony on the headgear issue is that he banned the fez, which was the general headgear of the late Ottomans, who triggered the Arab nationalist revolt when they tried to impose the fez on their Arab subjects in the early 20the century. The fez in turn was imposed in 1826 after the putting down of a revolt by the powerful Jannissary Christian slave militias, with headgear prior to then being very ornate and specific to precise positions in society. Thus, the fez itself was a move towards western egalitarianism. As it is in the street, I would say that women were about half and half wearing or not wearing headscarves. The older ones with headscarves looked poor and rural, but many younger ones looked quite stylish and chic and well educated.

peeking at oil

Despite my lack of faith in the "peak oil" theory, it's quite possible that oil and gas prices will continue the rest of the year. Perhaps they'll peak (as it were) on January 20, 2009. The reason I see higher oil prices in our future is because of the interview I heard last night on the Terry Gross "Fresh Air" show on US National Public Radio: Seymour Hersch, usually a very reliable source, talked about the Cheney-initiated and --led (and Congressionally-approved) covert US operations in Iran, clearly aimed at provoking a response by their government. The special forces are going, with CIA help, to provoke discontent among the ethnic minorities. It may not lead to an actual war (which I see as more likely after the November election) but it will definitely raise oil prices.

I wonder if members of the Cheney gang are buying oil long, hoping to profit from their policies? I wonder if their general attitude that high oil prices are okay (if not excellent) is one small piece of their bellicosity concerning Middle East issues?

(In the recent B movie "Get Smart," by the way, it should be noted that the spies
(CONTROL) report to the Vice President, not to the Prez.)
--
Jim Devine

$10,000 PRIZE! - THE RULES - $10,000 PRIZE!

by the Sandwichman

Sandwichman is grateful to cogito for reminding us that it is far, far easier to dismiss a paradoxical truth* by rote recitation of hallowed platitudes than to investigate the arguments. The reason I offered a $10,000 prize for refuting my rebuttal of the lump-of-labor fallacy claim was to create an incentive for people to actually do the investigative work -- and, of course, so that I would have a club with which to beat those who don't. But -- Alas! -- I buried my prize offer too deep in my May 1st posting. So today, I'm repeating the challenge in a more prominent place:

I am offering a $10,000 prize, in Canadian funds, to be awarded to the author who directly and conclusively refutes the argument in "Why Economists Dislike a Lump of Labor," (Review of Social Economics, September 2007). My argument is that the authenticity of the lump-of-labor fallacy claim, with regard to unemployment and the hours of work, is questionable; that various explanations of it are inconsistent and contradictory and that Sydney J. Chapman’s neglected theory of the hours of labor presents a more coherent analysis of the reduction of working time than the often-cited fallacy claim.

The article must be accepted for publication in one of the 30 top-ranked economics journals. Only anonymously peer-reviewed articles are eligible, not book reviews, commentary or other journal front or back matter. Journal rankings will be taken to be those specified in Kalaitzidakis, Mamuneas and Stengos "Rankings of Academic Journals and Institutions in Economics." Journal of the European Economic Association 1 (December 2003).

(And, no, it won't count if the article simply re-asserts the fallacy claim and follows that by grinding out yet another "empirical analysis". The article must directly confront the argument of my article. The question of whether the article successfully refutes my argument I will leave to be resolved by publishability.)

Enter by notifying me, Tom Walker, by mail or email that your article has been accepted for publication in one of the qualified journals. Mail address is 1204 Lakewood Drive, Vancouver, BC, V5L 4M4. Email: lumpoflabor [at] gmail [dot] com.

Deadline for entry is 11:59 p.m. on January 31, 2010. In the event an article is under review by a qualified journal on the deadline date, an extension may be granted provided the article was submitted to the journal on or before December 31, 2009. All requests for extension of the contest entry deadline must attach a copy of the submitted draft.

If no contest entry meets all of the above criteria, a consolation prize of $1000 Canadian may be awarded to an anonymously peer-reviewed article meeting the core argument criteria, published in a journal ranked 31-159 by Kalaitzidakis et al. Articles published in a non-ranked journal and articles submitted to but rejected by an economics journal may be given consideration for the consolation prize at the sole discretion of the contest organizer.

Prize money will be awarded only to the author or authors of the article specified in the winning entry. In the event of group authorship, prize money will be divided equally between the authors unless specified otherwise and agreed in advance by all authors.

*(The paradoxical truth, by the way, is not that shorter hours always increases wages. The paradox is that shorter hours may increase wages under given circumstances -- hours of work that are too long, wages that are too low and unemployment that is too widespread and persistent. Those are the very conditions that advocates of shorter working time believe to generally prevail under capitalism. Doctrinaire economists, on the other hand, contend that unemployment is voluntary and that hours and wages are set at their optima by workers' preferences and the magic mechanism of the free market -- perfect competition, universal omniscience, perpetual motion and all.)

WORK LESS, CONSUME MORE!

by the Sandwichman

"'Well,' says a workingman, 'I should certainly be very glad to work less hours, but I can scarcely earn enough by working ten to make myself and family comfortable.'

"Sir, as strange as it may seem to you at first blush, it is a fact that your wages will never be permanently increased until the hours of labor are reduced."

I would like to open a can of worms and call into question the assumed divergence between environmentalism and consumerism. I am as guilty as anyone of promoting the idea that economic growth is bad or obsolete. But I have been reading extensively in the 19th century literature of the eight-hour movement. The first shock I got was discovering that "keeping up with the Joneses" was an Ira Steward invention. Steward was the author of first two sentences quoted before the jump.

I've been reading Steward, George Gunton, their critics and defenders through the prism of a century's worth of disparagement of the "old, old fallacy that eight hours a day will mean more men to be employed." I'm beginning to realize that the opponents of the eight-hour movement not only suppressed an astonishingly advanced economic theory, they also usurped and defiled the accomplishments and the aspirations of the movement. This is not to say that Steward and Gunton got everything right but there is an immense amount to learn from their writings and legacy.

Getting back to the argument about higher pay, at first glance it wouldn't seem to be in accord with the admonition of my friends in the Work Less Party to "work less, consume less, enjoy more." I propose that the solution to this riddle is that we don't need to consume less. We actually need to spend more.

Our culture's unsustainable environmental footprint doesn't come from consuming "too much" but from consuming the wrong things -- cheap crap. Ironically, the reason we're consuming the wrong things is because wages are too low. WE CAN'T AFFORD the good life. What Juliet Schor identifies as "overspending" could better be viewed as throwing money away on disposable stuff because we don't have sufficient time or income to indulge in uplifting AND MUCH MORE EXPENSIVE social activities such as, say, taking five years off work to write a book, paint, sing in the opera, or play soccer.

One of the things that struck me as I was comparing Cambridge Professor Alfred Marshall's writing to that of Boston mechanic, Ira Steward, is that the truly innovative thinking usually comes from outside the academy. An inordinate amount of the output of professional intellectuals consists of obscurantist rationalizations and repetition of the obsolete or the obvious. How many people would like to have the time and financial security to really develop their artistic talent, athletic ability or scholarly interest without it having to be a perilous and constricting career track?

So I'm tempted to say, "Sir, as strange as it may seem to you at first blush, it is a fact that your way of life will never become environmentally sustainable until your wages are increased as a result of the hours of labor being reduced."

THE OLD, OLD FALLACY

by the Sandwichman

Still no nibbles on my $10,000 prize offer. More clues:

• "Thus their error lies in assuming that there is a fixed Work Fund, a certain amount of work which has to be done, whatever the price of labour." (Alfred Marshall, Elements of the Economics of Industry, 1892, page 383)
  
• "It is the statement as an economic fact of the old, old fallacy that men can restrict their output and thus make work for more men, and still have industry unaffected and providing work for all to do." (Walter Drew, "The Real Problem of the Eight-Hour Day", National Association of Manufacturers, 1911?)
  
• "And we have the old fallacy that eight hours a day will mean more men to be employed." ("The Proposed Federal Eight Hour Law and What it Means" The Review reprinted in The Square Deal, 1912)
  
• "This view is connected with the lump-of-labor notion. It assumes that men will work no faster in a shorter day, and that there is so much work to be done regardless of the rate of wages; and concludes that the shorter day will reduce the amount of labor for sale and cause wages to rise." (Frank Fetter, Economics, vol. 2: Modern Economic Problems, 2nd edition, 1923)

So we begin to discover that the old, old fallacy has a bit of an identity crisis. Clearly Fetter's lump-of-labor notion was another name for Marshall's fixed Work Fund. The main advantage to Marshall's discussion of the fixed Work Fund is that it is a lengthy discussion that hints at -- even if it doesn't unequivocally state -- the identity of the object of its critique. A second advantage derives from Marshall's stature as an economist and as a pioneer of the formal university teaching of economics as a discipline.

Who's idea was Marshall criticising, how well does that critique hold up and how consistent with Marshall's overall discussion was subsequent textbook lore about the lump-of-labor?

Although the names Ira Steward and George Gunton don't appear in Marshall's chapter, it is clearly Steward's eight-hour theory that Marshall had in mind. Considering that Gunton's Wealth and Progress had been published four years earlier, it is more likely that Marshall was addressing the Gunton elaboration of Steward's theory. Whether he actually read Gunton (or Steward) or was merely reacting to second-hand accounts is not entirely clear from the discussion.

In my estimation, Marshall's critique of Stewardism missed its mark. But it did so in ways that are instructive for the subsequent career of the lump of labor fallacy claim. In short, Marshall's fallacy claim is hemmed in by profuse qualification and the "putting aside" of circumstances that could readily be argued to be the central issue behind the reduction of working time -- namely, the longer term impacts of psychological fatigue on output.

In other words, the way Marshall frames the argument leaves the fixed Work Fund (or lump of labor) claim vulnerable precisely to what Marshall's student, Sydney Chapman, later pointed out regarding market failure in the determination of the hours of labor. This would seem to be confirmed by Marshall's -- and his protege, Pigou's -- endorsement of the Chapman theory.

Marshall's use of the term "fixed Wage Fund" is also revealing in that it directly relates the fallacy claim to the wages-fund doctrine of classical political economy. It echoed John Wilson's sentiments, twenty years earlier, about a "Unionist reading of the Wage-fund theory." This also is significant because Steward's 1865 pamphlet was grounded in an explicit repudiation of the wages-fund doctrine at a time when that doctrine remained an article of faith for respectable political economists.

Marshall commenced the last section of his discussion of shorter hours with the following rather ambivalent statement:

All this tends to show that a general reduction of the hours of labour is likely to cause a little net material loss and much moral good: that it is not adapted for treatment by a rigid cast-iron system, and that the conditions of each class of trades must be studied separately.

But, of course, a "rigid cast-iron system" was exactly what militant employers' groups would subsequently insist upon:

We must face the fact that the eight-hour day involves a proportionate decrease in the productive capacity of our workmen, that this in turn means a higher labor cost, and a consequent higher cost of production, and this finally results inevitably in higher prices for us and a lessening of the ability of our manufacturers to compete in the markets of the world. We must face the fact that restriction upon the productive capacity of our workmen will not result in increased wages to the individual, or in securing employment for the unemployed, or increasing the profits of our industries; but that it will directly tend to do the opposite of all three of these things. (Walter Drew, "The Real Problem of the Eight-Hour Day")

Escaping from the disaster front

I am now in Toronto for the History of Economics meetings. Lucky timing. The fires are continuing Chico. The American Red Cross Disaster Response Team is set up in one of the campus buildings. Arnold Schwarzenegger came to town yesterday to see how bad it was.

Fires and floods are becoming commonplace. Our only hope is drilling for oil offshore and Alaska.

You're All On Notice

Pascal’s Fallacy

Slopping thinking by the great mathematician has been enshrined for decades in the undergraduate economics and statistics curriculum. You know the story: the problem of whether to believe in the Christian god and follow church teachings can be formulated as one of expected value, the cost in pleasure of being religious times the likelihood that there is no such god compared with the cost in eternal damnation times the probability that the Bearded One actually exists. The small likelihood of divine existence is outweighed by the even greater imbalance in the value cofactor. Except that it’s all wrong.



There are different ways to approach the issue, but the simplest error is that of assuming only two possibilities, no god or the one particular god promulgated by Pascal’s church. Logically, the case for a Christian deity is no stronger than for many other pretenders. Pascal could follow all the church precepts, die and come face to face with a Hopi god, for example, or maybe a god no human group had latched onto. Perhaps the “godly” practices Pascal had adhered to would just annoy the true, ex post god. Or maybe, if there is a god, this omnipotent character has no self esteem problem to speak of and doesn’t care whether lowly mortals love, hate or ignore him/her/it. And I’m leaving out a wide swath of other possibilities, from multiple godheads to extra-dimensional beings we can’t begin to conceive of.

The point is that the expected value formula works only if you calculate over the full set of possible states or outcomes; the p’s have to add up to 1.

I’m reminded of this because of the column by Peter Bernstein in the Sunday NY Times, which repeats the Pascal chestnut even as it invokes the spirit (but not the name) of Nassim Nicholas Taleb to argue that we should anticipate the unexpected.