On Thursday morning while riding to school, the main entrance was blocked with police tape. Supposedly someone had called in a bomb threat. Later during the day, my office building was evacuated because of some kind of mechanical malfunction. Finally, a fire drill set off alarms and forced us to leave the gym. All that seemed like a series of curious coincidences.
That night I was scheduled to give a talk at the Occupied Chico State teach-in, which was supposed to be followed by a take-over of the administration building. Because of the (phony?) bomb threat, the building was locked down early.
I had intended to discuss a sequence of the Bonus March, the GI Bill, which made higher education more accessible, then Reagan's 1966 institution of tuition for the previously tuition-free university system, culminating in the mess we have today. On Friday, I gave a brief overview of the talk on our local NPR station.
Here is our unedited conversation.
http://www.archive.org/details/OccupyChicoState
Sunday, December 4, 2011
Saturday, December 3, 2011
Quote of the Day, December 3, 2011
“If you have the 1 percent saying, ‘Tax the 99 percent’ and the 99 percent saying, ‘Tax the 1 percent,’ you have a standstill.”
—Joseph Zarelli, lead Republican budget negotiator in the Washington State Senate, as quoted in the New York Times.
American politics made easy.
Friday, December 2, 2011
Not the Best News on the Employment Situation
Before we get too giddy over the news that the unemployment rate fell from 9.0% to 8.6%, we should note that the employment to population ratio barely increased from 58.4% to 58.5%. The big news really is that the labor force participation rate fell from 64.2% to 64.0%. Only hacks like Lawrence Kudlow get giddy when the unemployment rate falls because folks are no longer officially in the labor force. Most of us consider the discouraged worker effect bad news.
Also mind you that the rise in the employment to population ratio is due to the reported rise in employment per the household survey which claimed employment rose by 278,000. The payroll survey claimed an increase of only 120,000, which was really disappointing given that ADP said private employment rose by 206,000. Private employment per the payroll survey did rise by 140,000 by government employment fell by 20,000 (4000 drop in Federal employment, 5000 drop in state employment, and 11,000 drop in local government employment). As noted in my previous post the Senate Republicans wants even less government employment. Go figure.
Also mind you that the rise in the employment to population ratio is due to the reported rise in employment per the household survey which claimed employment rose by 278,000. The payroll survey claimed an increase of only 120,000, which was really disappointing given that ADP said private employment rose by 206,000. Private employment per the payroll survey did rise by 140,000 by government employment fell by 20,000 (4000 drop in Federal employment, 5000 drop in state employment, and 11,000 drop in local government employment). As noted in my previous post the Senate Republicans wants even less government employment. Go figure.
The Balanced Budget Multiplier is Not Negative
Senate Republicans have a condition for supporting the continued payroll tax holiday:
The marginal propensity to consume for reductions in payroll taxes maybe be high but it is still less than unity. So if we reduce government purchases by the same amount as reduce payroll taxes – this proposal would be contractionary. I guess the good news here is that some of the reduction in government purchases would be deferred.
I guess in a world of PAYGO, however, we should ask how the Democrats propose to offset the loss in payroll taxes revenues:
In other words, raise taxes on households who are not liquidity constrained which means if there is anything left to Barro-Ricardian equivalence, perhaps the marginal propensity to consume for changes in taxes on the very well to do is less than the marginal propensity to consume for reductions in payroll taxes. So if the goal is to increase aggregate demand – then the Senate Republican idea is awful whereas the Senate Democrat idea makes sense.
Senate Republican leaders introduced a bill that would keep the payroll tax rate at its current level for another year. The cost is roughly $120 billion. Senate Republicans would offset most of the cost by freezing the pay of federal employees through 2015 and gradually reducing the federal work force by 10 percent.
The marginal propensity to consume for reductions in payroll taxes maybe be high but it is still less than unity. So if we reduce government purchases by the same amount as reduce payroll taxes – this proposal would be contractionary. I guess the good news here is that some of the reduction in government purchases would be deferred.
I guess in a world of PAYGO, however, we should ask how the Democrats propose to offset the loss in payroll taxes revenues:
Senate Democratic leaders want a deeper temporary reduction in Social Security payroll taxes. They would provide payroll tax relief to employers as well as employees. And they would offset the cost with a 3.25 percent surtax on modified adjusted gross income in excess of $1 million.
In other words, raise taxes on households who are not liquidity constrained which means if there is anything left to Barro-Ricardian equivalence, perhaps the marginal propensity to consume for changes in taxes on the very well to do is less than the marginal propensity to consume for reductions in payroll taxes. So if the goal is to increase aggregate demand – then the Senate Republican idea is awful whereas the Senate Democrat idea makes sense.
Morality: The Ecological Inference Problem
One further word on the hazards of assessing the moral position of a country:
The moral culpability of a population is not evenly distributed among its members. This is true in issues of war and peace as well as debt service. If one talks of “punishing” miscreants, as Merkel has done, some attention should be given to whether those being punished are the ones who misbehaved.
Unfortunately, the entire point of the bailout process is to cushion the losses of financial institutions, many of which (and many of whose high-level officers) profited by assuming excessive risk: they got the returns in the boom and now the taxpayers are stuck with the losses in the bust. Moreover, the taxpayers are disproportionately those who did not prosper in the bubble economy; ordinary working people have their taxes withheld from their paychecks and skimmed off through the VAT. The fast-and-loose crowd are shielded by unreported income, legal and illegal tax dodges and the like. True, the line can be fuzzy – low income people pay under the table too – but the balance of the burden does not correspond to the balance of the benefit.
This unfairness is a moral issue. To ignore it à la Merkel is a moral problem.
It reminds me of a saying: When the budget cuts come, we hear that it is the fat that will be cut, not the bone. Unfortunately, it’s the fat that makes the cuts.
The moral culpability of a population is not evenly distributed among its members. This is true in issues of war and peace as well as debt service. If one talks of “punishing” miscreants, as Merkel has done, some attention should be given to whether those being punished are the ones who misbehaved.
Unfortunately, the entire point of the bailout process is to cushion the losses of financial institutions, many of which (and many of whose high-level officers) profited by assuming excessive risk: they got the returns in the boom and now the taxpayers are stuck with the losses in the bust. Moreover, the taxpayers are disproportionately those who did not prosper in the bubble economy; ordinary working people have their taxes withheld from their paychecks and skimmed off through the VAT. The fast-and-loose crowd are shielded by unreported income, legal and illegal tax dodges and the like. True, the line can be fuzzy – low income people pay under the table too – but the balance of the burden does not correspond to the balance of the benefit.
This unfairness is a moral issue. To ignore it à la Merkel is a moral problem.
It reminds me of a saying: When the budget cuts come, we hear that it is the fat that will be cut, not the bone. Unfortunately, it’s the fat that makes the cuts.
Success and Morality in a Market Economy
There has been a lot of talk about economic success and moral virtue recently: the Tyler Cowen encomium to the morality of Teutonic creditors I jumped on yesterday, the Zingales conflation of meritocracy and justice that Andrew Gelman skewers today, and, on the other side, the complaint one sometimes hears from the 99-percenters that we are being dragged down by the greed of the other 1%. My favorite observation on all this comes from one of the most eminent of Victorians, John Ruskin. (Incidentally, I first came across this quotation in P. S. Atiyah's magnificent The Rise and Fall of Freedom of Contract.)
In a community regulated by laws of demand and supply, but protected from open violence, the persons who become rich are, generally speaking, industrious, resolute, proud, covetous, prompt, methodical, sensible, unimaginative, insensitive, and ignorant. The persons who remain poor are the entirely foolish, the entirely wise, the idle, the reckless, the humble, the thoughtful, the dull, the imaginative, the sensitive, the well-informed, the improvident, the irregularly and impulsively wicked, the clumsy knave, the open thief, and the entirely merciful, just, and godly person.
Thursday, December 1, 2011
I Hope “The Moral Superiority of the Germans” Isn’t Translated Into German
Merkel et al. hardly need more encouragement. But if they must read this latest howler from Tyler Cowen, let them also bear in mind:
1. The entire premise of the argument is incoherent. On the one hand, TC says he is not comparing the morality of the German people to other Europeans—that would be “false and repugnant”—but rather the “system-wide” virtues of Germany versus those of the peripherals. On the other, he judges the peripherals to be morally inferior because they wish to default on their debt obligations. But the “they” who choose to default are not systems but individuals. So, yes, this is an argument about some people being more moral than others.
2. Saving and borrowing are partly matters of choice, but also matters of circumstance. Consider, for instance, the permanent income hypothesis, which tells us that when your income rises unexpectedly you save more, and when it falls you save less—even though your preferences for saving out of permanent income remain constant. This is where the trade surpluses and deficits come in. Without adhering to any particular model of savings behavior, it is clear that Germans have had more income because of their exports (half of German income is earned in the export sector), and countries with trade deficits have, for this reason, lower incomes. Of course, net savings and the current account are two measures of the same thing.
3. Even worse is the claim that default is simply a matter of choice—that those who propose defaulting on debts are less moral than their creditors. Except for Greece, loans taken out by public and private borrowers were generally in good faith. The economic catastrophe that decimated their finances was unanticipated. You could say they engaged in poor judgment by not taking the risk of such a catastrophe into account, and you would be right, but this verdict applies equally to the lenders. It is simply foolish, for instance, to say that, if interest rates remain at their current level, Italians are “choosing” to default. At 7% they have to pay 8.5% of GDP just to roll over, and the economic shrinkage this implies would raise that share year after year. Yes, Italians have assets, but if they sell them so that the state can tax the sales and redirect the revenues to debt service, then the returns on those assets will no longer accrue to Italians, and we are back, more or less, at the same point.
4. To sum up, the injunction to honor debts is like a lot of other obligations in this world. You should provide for the needs of your children. You should return your books to the library on time. If I lend you my car, you should avoid having it damaged in a collision. If you can do these things you should. If you can’t it depends on the reasons. Throwing poor parents into prison because they don’t give enough support to their children is neither good morality nor good economics. Same with people who get sick, can’t go out, and have overdue library books. Same with someone in a borrowed car who ends up in the middle of a giant crash. If the real estate market crashes in Spain, and the government is forced to step in to prevent a financial meltdown, what is the morality or economic sanity of demanding that the people of Spain be punished and forced to undergo a generation or more of austerity?
1. The entire premise of the argument is incoherent. On the one hand, TC says he is not comparing the morality of the German people to other Europeans—that would be “false and repugnant”—but rather the “system-wide” virtues of Germany versus those of the peripherals. On the other, he judges the peripherals to be morally inferior because they wish to default on their debt obligations. But the “they” who choose to default are not systems but individuals. So, yes, this is an argument about some people being more moral than others.
2. Saving and borrowing are partly matters of choice, but also matters of circumstance. Consider, for instance, the permanent income hypothesis, which tells us that when your income rises unexpectedly you save more, and when it falls you save less—even though your preferences for saving out of permanent income remain constant. This is where the trade surpluses and deficits come in. Without adhering to any particular model of savings behavior, it is clear that Germans have had more income because of their exports (half of German income is earned in the export sector), and countries with trade deficits have, for this reason, lower incomes. Of course, net savings and the current account are two measures of the same thing.
3. Even worse is the claim that default is simply a matter of choice—that those who propose defaulting on debts are less moral than their creditors. Except for Greece, loans taken out by public and private borrowers were generally in good faith. The economic catastrophe that decimated their finances was unanticipated. You could say they engaged in poor judgment by not taking the risk of such a catastrophe into account, and you would be right, but this verdict applies equally to the lenders. It is simply foolish, for instance, to say that, if interest rates remain at their current level, Italians are “choosing” to default. At 7% they have to pay 8.5% of GDP just to roll over, and the economic shrinkage this implies would raise that share year after year. Yes, Italians have assets, but if they sell them so that the state can tax the sales and redirect the revenues to debt service, then the returns on those assets will no longer accrue to Italians, and we are back, more or less, at the same point.
4. To sum up, the injunction to honor debts is like a lot of other obligations in this world. You should provide for the needs of your children. You should return your books to the library on time. If I lend you my car, you should avoid having it damaged in a collision. If you can do these things you should. If you can’t it depends on the reasons. Throwing poor parents into prison because they don’t give enough support to their children is neither good morality nor good economics. Same with people who get sick, can’t go out, and have overdue library books. Same with someone in a borrowed car who ends up in the middle of a giant crash. If the real estate market crashes in Spain, and the government is forced to step in to prevent a financial meltdown, what is the morality or economic sanity of demanding that the people of Spain be punished and forced to undergo a generation or more of austerity?
Tuesday, November 29, 2011
Quote of the Day
"....distributive justice without participative justice can only ever be coincidental."
W. Neil Adger, Jouni Paavola, Saleemul Huq and M. J. Mace, Fairness in Adaptation to Climate Change (MIT Press, 2006)
W. Neil Adger, Jouni Paavola, Saleemul Huq and M. J. Mace, Fairness in Adaptation to Climate Change (MIT Press, 2006)
The Genealogy of Occupation
Much has been written recently on the question of where the Occupy Wall Street movement came from. The assumption seems to be that it represents a new manifestation of the counter-globalization ethos that first showed up in Seattle, 1999.
In some ways this is true, but the actual tactic, camping out, looks to me like an evolution from the tree-sitting strategy of radical environmentalists. Forget about Facebook and Twitter: this is the REI generation, and they want to climb and bivouac their way to liberation. It really makes sense when you think about it. To transgress the landscape of capitalist property rights, you need the proper gear. The only anomaly I can see is that pepper spray is being used against the campers, not by them.
Footnote: It might be argued that the starting point was really Greenpeace, which drew on small craft culture for its maritime adventures. Having noodled around in both outdoor and boat equipment shops, I think I can say that they represent two rather different slices of humanity, and the probability of crossover was slim. Of course, Greenpeace was also practicing urban mountaineering around the same time as Earth First was exploring the canopy zone.
In some ways this is true, but the actual tactic, camping out, looks to me like an evolution from the tree-sitting strategy of radical environmentalists. Forget about Facebook and Twitter: this is the REI generation, and they want to climb and bivouac their way to liberation. It really makes sense when you think about it. To transgress the landscape of capitalist property rights, you need the proper gear. The only anomaly I can see is that pepper spray is being used against the campers, not by them.
Footnote: It might be argued that the starting point was really Greenpeace, which drew on small craft culture for its maritime adventures. Having noodled around in both outdoor and boat equipment shops, I think I can say that they represent two rather different slices of humanity, and the probability of crossover was slim. Of course, Greenpeace was also practicing urban mountaineering around the same time as Earth First was exploring the canopy zone.
The Problem with Pop Economics, Paul Seabright Edition
Maybe you’re in a hurry, so here is the problem in its general form: most of the reading public, even most of the fairly well-educated reading public, have little exposure to mainstream economic reasoning. If they ever took an econ course, they did not come away with a durable understanding of opportunity costs, markets as cost-benefit algorithms and coordinating devices, market failure, etc. This means there’s always an audience for a book that packages these rather standard ideas in a clever, unexpected or cool way. Unfortunately, underneath the ribbons and shiny paper, it’s the same old same old.
Monday, November 28, 2011
Quote of The Day
I am currently making my way through Hume's History of England - a pure joy - and ran across a quote to share. In his discussion of the 1640 Long Parliament and the execution of Lord Strafford, he has this to say about the Puritan leaders Pym, Hambden and Vane:
Some persons, partial to the patriots of this age, have ventured to put them in a balance with the most illustrious characters of antiquity; and mentioned the names of Pym, Hambden, Vane, as a just parallel to those of Cato, Brutus, Cassius. Profound capacity, indeed, undaunted courage, extensive enterprize; in these particulars, perhaps the Roman do not much surpass the English worthies: But what a difference, when the discourse, conduct, conversation, and private as well as public behaviour, of both are inspected! Compare only one circumstance, and consider its consequences. The leisure of those noble ancients was totally employed in the study of Grecian eloquence and philosophy; in the cultivation of polite letters and civilized society: The whole discourse and language of the moderns were polluted with mysterious jargon, and full of the lowest and most vulgar hypocrisy.
Some persons, partial to the patriots of this age, have ventured to put them in a balance with the most illustrious characters of antiquity; and mentioned the names of Pym, Hambden, Vane, as a just parallel to those of Cato, Brutus, Cassius. Profound capacity, indeed, undaunted courage, extensive enterprize; in these particulars, perhaps the Roman do not much surpass the English worthies: But what a difference, when the discourse, conduct, conversation, and private as well as public behaviour, of both are inspected! Compare only one circumstance, and consider its consequences. The leisure of those noble ancients was totally employed in the study of Grecian eloquence and philosophy; in the cultivation of polite letters and civilized society: The whole discourse and language of the moderns were polluted with mysterious jargon, and full of the lowest and most vulgar hypocrisy.
Saturday, November 26, 2011
Some Like it Hot. So What?
In the world of climate economics, Richard Tol is a major name. If his most recent post on the topic is any indication, he should pick another line of work. Tol points to the desire of many people, including some of his economist colleagues, to move to warmer locations as “revealed preferences for climate”. His final paragraph hedges a bit, but leaves the impression that the sunbirds are telling us something about policy:
Obviously, one cannot compare the individual impact of moving to a warmer climate with the impact of global warming, but at the same time it is clear that both Dublin economists specifically and intra-European migrants generally do not object to a warmer environment.Yes, people move to warmer climates. They lie under sun lamps and bake in saunas. Thermo- and phototropism have nothing to do with the risks of climate change, of course. The major risks are:
• sea level rise that inundates, or ravages with storm surges, coastal areas that are home to much of the world’s population
• the extinction of species that cannot adapt at the rate at which their environment is changing
• an increase in the frequency and severity of severe weather events
• the loss of water storage in glacial formations
• shifts in rainfall patterns that could subject more regions to drought, fire and other hazards
• loss of agricultural productivity in tropical and many temperate regions
• and above all, the potential for positive feedback mechanisms (release of methane from peat bogs, permafrost and clathrates) that could trigger runaway, catastrophic increases in atmospheric carbon concentrations.
Personal preferences for a few degrees of temperature more or less have nothing to do with it. Tol seems to be another poster child for the tendency of economic expertise to coexist with appalling ignorance about just about everything else. Is economics worse this way than other fields, or am I just more sensitive to it because it rubs off on my reputation as well?
Friday, November 25, 2011
Montserrat Figueras
This extraordinary singer died a few days ago at the age of 69. She had it all: purity of tone, deep personal expression, the ability sing in a vast array of styles, from Arabic and Sephardic to medieval to opera to folk song. If you haven’t heard El Cant de la Sibilla, her recreation of a medieval religious incantation, or Ninna Nanna, her complication of lullabies from around the world and across the ages, you are missing something wonderful.
She was one of a kind.
Critique of the Political Scene Today?
As faction is the effect of that loose government which is unavoidable in a time of war and trouble; so, while faction is suffered to continue, it is a perpetual bar to better administration; for it emboldens the bad, and terrifies the good. Is a lunatic, whom the physician cannot approach without danger to himself. Some statesmen, therefore, when it rages high, withdraw from affairs, and will not administer the physic of their councils till the fit is over.--Charles Davenant. 1698.
Wednesday, November 23, 2011
Is The Italian Crisis A Possible Self-Fulfilling Prophetic Negative Bubble?
Many observers are declaring Italy to be the key to whether the euro will collapse and along with it possibly most of the world economy. Having removed the near term problem from office, Silvio Berlusconi, the markets are not satisfied with the appointment of respected economist technocrat, Mario Monti, to replace him, with bond yields continuing to rise, thus threatening to bring about a crisis. What is it that Monti is or even can do to stop this?
Quite likely not a damned thing. Looking at supposed fundamentals, there should not be a problem with Italy. It is one of only four Eurozone nations that is currently running a primary budget surplus. The others are Luxembourg, Belgium, and Germany. Where is the problem?
Well, some say, aha!, look at the national debt to GDP ratio, a too high 120%. However, not only has Italy had a ratio such as this for a long time, and even been higher prevously, such as in the early 1990s, it has a much higher share of its debt domestically held, Italy has a much higher savings rate than most European nations (on the order of 17%). This would explain the NY Times story today that as long as Italians continue to hold their own debt, the euro will be saved.
What about proposals being made in Italy? One is that the retirement age be raised from 65 to 67. Maybe this should be done, but again, Italy has a primary budget surplus, and 65 is higher than quite a few other European nations have as a retirement age. And if such a "reform" is passed, it will have little near term impact on the budget balance, although maybe doing so will induce that magic effect of "raising confidence," thus bringing down the interest rates.
The other is labor market reforms, particularly to open up various professions to more entry and competition. This will be hard to pass, but I think there may be reasons for doing this, and this may well help increase the growth rate, which has been low for a solid decade, and needs some stimulus, however achieved. But, again, this is not likely to affect the budget balance at all. Why this would bring down overly high interest rates is also very unclear aside from hoping for the "confidence fairy" to suddenly appear.
That the confidence fairy has not appeared with the removal of Berlusconi is disturbing. It looks increasinigly to me that these high interest rates are simply a self-fulfilling negative bubble on Italian bonds unjustified by any actual fundamental phenomena. Even with the high interest rates, most reports suggest that Italy can manage to avoid any defaults for at least another year. It is not Greece, or even the less troubled Portugal, Ireland, or Spain. It is basically solvent. The only real threat is the high interest rates, apparently existing because of the fear of what high interest rates can do, a possible self-fulfilling prophecy, an empty, if still dangerous negative bubble.
Quite likely not a damned thing. Looking at supposed fundamentals, there should not be a problem with Italy. It is one of only four Eurozone nations that is currently running a primary budget surplus. The others are Luxembourg, Belgium, and Germany. Where is the problem?
Well, some say, aha!, look at the national debt to GDP ratio, a too high 120%. However, not only has Italy had a ratio such as this for a long time, and even been higher prevously, such as in the early 1990s, it has a much higher share of its debt domestically held, Italy has a much higher savings rate than most European nations (on the order of 17%). This would explain the NY Times story today that as long as Italians continue to hold their own debt, the euro will be saved.
What about proposals being made in Italy? One is that the retirement age be raised from 65 to 67. Maybe this should be done, but again, Italy has a primary budget surplus, and 65 is higher than quite a few other European nations have as a retirement age. And if such a "reform" is passed, it will have little near term impact on the budget balance, although maybe doing so will induce that magic effect of "raising confidence," thus bringing down the interest rates.
The other is labor market reforms, particularly to open up various professions to more entry and competition. This will be hard to pass, but I think there may be reasons for doing this, and this may well help increase the growth rate, which has been low for a solid decade, and needs some stimulus, however achieved. But, again, this is not likely to affect the budget balance at all. Why this would bring down overly high interest rates is also very unclear aside from hoping for the "confidence fairy" to suddenly appear.
That the confidence fairy has not appeared with the removal of Berlusconi is disturbing. It looks increasinigly to me that these high interest rates are simply a self-fulfilling negative bubble on Italian bonds unjustified by any actual fundamental phenomena. Even with the high interest rates, most reports suggest that Italy can manage to avoid any defaults for at least another year. It is not Greece, or even the less troubled Portugal, Ireland, or Spain. It is basically solvent. The only real threat is the high interest rates, apparently existing because of the fear of what high interest rates can do, a possible self-fulfilling prophecy, an empty, if still dangerous negative bubble.
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