"An important fact often left out of discussions on productivity and jobs is that the length of the workweek and work year is not fixed."The Future of Work: Don't Blame the Robots
Dean nails it.
"An important fact often left out of discussions on productivity and jobs is that the length of the workweek and work year is not fixed."The Future of Work: Don't Blame the Robots
Any adult who was alive in the US during these three decades realizes that this number grossly understates the gains of the typical household. One indication that something is wrong with this figure is that the government also estimates that real hourly compensation of employees in the non-farm business sector rose 39% from 1985 to 2015.Feldstein is talking about the mean whereas most of this debate is over the median but let’s read on:
With the traditional definition of money income, the CBO found that real median household income rose by just 15% from 1980 to 2010, similar to the Census Bureau’s estimate. But when they expanded the definition of income to include benefits and subtracted taxes, they found that the median household’s real income rose by 45%.Let’s see – if we cut taxes a lot while increasing transfer payments, then we can get a boost to disposable income. So much for fiscal responsibility. But let me turn this over to Laura Tyson:
Over the last 35 years, real wages in the United States failed to keep pace with productivity gains; for the typical non-farm worker, the latter grew twice as fast as the former. Instead, an increasing share of the gains went to a tiny fraction of workers at the very top – typically high-level managers and CEOs – and to shareholders and other capital owners. In fact, while real wages fell by about 6% for the bottom 10% of the income distribution and grew by a paltry 5-6% for the median worker, they soared by more than 150% for the top 1%.The chart provided by David Dayen bears out Dr. Tyson’s first sentence:
Perhaps for this reason, the wage/productivity chart has been under attack, with economists and pundits trying to explain away the gap as something not fundamental to our economic story. But Mishel, the originator of the chart, is pushing back, arguing that critics “are denying reality through technical arguments and sleight of hand.”... Harvard economist Robert Lawrence makes the gap disappear in several ways.Dayen discusses each of Lawrence’s tricks here but let’s note that Greg Mankiw hearts what Lawrence even as it includes this:
when the numbers are measured more comprehensively—when wages are broadly defined as compensation to include benefits, comparable price indexes are used to calculate differences in wage and output growth in constant dollars, and the output is measured net of depreciation—the puzzle of lagging wages disappears, at least for 1970–2000. While prior to 2000 blue-collar workers fared especially poorly, constant dollar labor compensation for all workers actually kept pace with output.2000? Jeb’s other brother became President right after that hiring Team Republican as his economic adviser. So the Team Republican reply is that we can massage the data in such a way that it appears that workers were doing fine until we took office. Oh yea – Jeb should definitely run his campaign on this message.
It’s a kind of scientific integrity, a principle of scientific thought that corresponds to a kind of utter honesty–a kind of leaning over backwards. For example, if you’re doing an experiment, you should report everything that you think might make it invalid–not only what you think is right about it: other causes that could possibly explain your results; and things you thought of that you’ve eliminated by some other experiment, and how they worked–to make sure the other fellow can tell they have been eliminated.
Details that could throw doubt on your interpretation must be given, if you know them. You must do the best you can–if you know anything at all wrong, or possibly wrong–to explain it. If you make a theory, for example, and advertise it, or put it out, then you must also put down all the facts that disagree with it, as well as those that agree with it. There is also a more subtle problem. When you have put a lot of ideas together to make an elaborate theory, you want to make sure, when explaining what it fits, that those things it fits are not just the things that gave you the idea for the theory; but that the finished theory makes something else come out right, in addition.You don’t have to look hard to see that Feynman’s view of science is rather far removed from usual econometric practice. Note in particular the obligation of the research to report “other causes that could possibly explain your results”. If there are plausible theories other than yours that “are consistent with” those little significance asterisks you’re so proud of, you need to specify them. The more of them there are, and the more plausible they are, the less claim your particular model has on our acceptance. Of course, there’s also a responsibility to report all the empirical strategies you tried that didn’t give you the results you were looking for. These are not “blind alleys”; they are possible disconfirmations, and you owe it to yourself and your readers to report them and explain why you think their negative verdicts should be set aside—if in fact they should.
Many Americans blah, blah, blah...
Lump of Labor Fallacy
Fears of mass technological unemployment are predicated on a “lump of labor” model of the economy—the belief the economy needs a roughly fixed amount of work performed.In this economic model, machines automating work formerly done by people reduce the total amount of work remaining for humans, reducing total employment. Keynes forecast an impending crisis of unwanted leisure. He suggested future societies would establish three-hour workdays to give everyone enough work to avoid boredom.
Almost all economists reject this model today. Economists have found that an almost unlimited amount of potential work exists in the economy because people’s material desires continue to expand. Virtually all Americans today enjoy material living standards vastly better than the wealthy of 1900. Nonetheless, most Americans today would purchase additional goods and services if they received a raise or bonus.
[Bullshit.]
German media reported earlier this week that Chancellor Angela Merkel told CDU party supporters that workers in southern European countries must work more.The Jeb! solution for those with modest incomes in the U.S. seems to be that they should work more. Of course, the Greeks and Americans do tend to work a lot when they have jobs. Of course the fiscal austerity that Merkel and Jeb! advocate makes finding a job that much harder.
"...our understanding of wage determination has been transformed by an intellectual revolution... workers are people" -- Paul KrugmanMemo to Karl Marx, suggested revision -- highlighted in yellow -- to the climax of your 1865 address to the First International (courtesy of Paul Krugman):
"Instead of the conservative motto: 'A fair day's wage for a fair day's work!' they ought to inscribe on their banner the intellectual revolutionary watchword: 'Where to begin?Abolition of the wages systemWorkers are people!'"
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"That's you problem right there, ma'am. Your denominator is all wore out and that's puttin' too much strain on your numerator." |
If U.S. policy makers and the public take away only one key lesson from what’s happening in Europe right now, it should be to put the budget on a path to balance during good times such as these.Paul may a few good points but permit me to go further starting with this opening line. As Paul and others have noted, this call for fiscal austerity risks another recession which is the real lesson we should be drawing from the Greek tragedy. The toxic mix of fixed exchange rates and fiscal austerity has plunged Greece into a massive recession which is the main reason its debt/GDP ratio keeps rising. But the folks at the Heritage Foundation would not ask us to adopt some sort of gold bug philosophy – would they?
the United States also creates its own money, enabling it to devalue its currency and debt to avoid defaulting on payments for a lack of cash. This power, when abused, can lead to steep inflation setting off very bad economic consequences that can harm those relying on their savings to get by the most.While this acknowledges the beneficial role of devaluation, it immediately goes into inflationista mode suggesting the folks at Heritage are indeed still gold bugs. But what bothers me most is this reliance on some this IMF report:
lessons from nine country case studies on how changes in fiscal policy coupled with structural economic reforms, such as labor-market liberalization, drive increases in economic growth.Read the IMF report for yourself but I’m not convinced that this report makes a strong case for supply-side economics. Yet the folks at Heritage argue:
Growing spending on public benefits threatens to overwhelm the U.S. economy in the long term. At the federal level, Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid and other health programs consume more than half of the budget, and spending on these programs is growing steeply. After accounting for other benefits, transfer payments make up about 70 percent of all spending in the United States today. Implementing important reforms to unaffordable and outdated benefit programs has proved to be a difficult feat politically. However, waiting too long on reforms diminishes the ability to phase in major changes gradually, in a way that will protect those who rely on benefits the most and leave others time to adjust to new fiscal realities. Waiting for a major crisis to force reforms, as Greece has done, brings unnecessarily painful austerity.Let’s be clear – reforms and austerity are two very different things. And yet the real agenda here is to reduce Federal spending on health care and Social Security, which will likely be neither reform nor austerity if these spending reductions are nothing more than means to pay for more tax cuts for the rich.